Nama : Dedi Mulyana
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Analisis jurnal
gangguan belajar pada anak
Judul
Strategi-strategi siswa sekolah tinggi dengan ketidakmampuan belajar:
sebuah studi longitudinal kualitatif dan teori beralas
Latar
belakang
Penelitian ini berangkat dari para siswa di Israel
yang menghadapai ketidakmampuan belajar.
Tujuan
Tujuan dari penelitian
ini adalah untuk mengeksplorasi emosional dan kognitif proses yang
dialami oleh siswa SMA, baik verbal dan non-verbal dalam ketidakmampuan belajarnya,
dan untuk mengidentifikasi strategi-strategi mereka dalam bekerja bekerja.
Subjek
Dipilih 20 siswa dari
kelas sembilan yang telah didiagnosa mengalami ketidakmampuan belajar, subjek
berusia sekitar 18 tahun.
Metodologi
Memakai wawancara semi-struktur dengan sifat terbuka
dan fleksibel.
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International
Journal of Qualitat
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Coping
strategies of high school longitudinal qualitative study an
Sara Givon a;Deborah Court b
a Jerusalem College, Jerusalem, Israel b Schoo Israel
First published on: 11 November
2009
To
cite this Article Givon,
Sara andCourt, Deborah(201
disabilities:
a longitudinal qualitative study and g Education, 23: 3, 283 — 303, First
published on: 11
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09518390903352343 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518390903352343
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International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education
Vol. 23, No. 3, May–June 2010, 283–303
Coping strategies of high school students with learning
disabilities: a longitudinal qualitative study and grounded theory
Sara Givona and Deborah Courtb*
aJerusalem College, Jerusalem,
Israel; bSchool of Education, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan 52900,
Israel
(Received
12 September 2008; final version received 21 September 2009)
The authors
interviewed 20 Israeli high school students with learning disabilities over a
three-year period to identify the students’ core coping strategies. Four
emotional–cognitive strategies were identified: ‘Avoidance,’ ‘Rebellion,’
‘Reconciliation,’ and ‘Determination.’ These strategies appeared in
hierarchical order, leading to students’ integration of, acceptance of, and
coming to terms with their difficulties. Interventions of early and accurate
diagnosis of difficulties, accompanied by remedial teaching and social support,
were important in the students’ developing effective coping styles. Results, in
the form of a hierarchical continuum, provide a map within which school
counselors and teachers may place their students’ current functioning, and help
students progress toward coping strategies effective for attaining emotional
and academic success.
Keywords: coping
strategies; learning disabilities; grounded theory
Introduction
The educational system in Israel acknowledges the special needs
of students with learning disabilities, and invests much effort and resources
in their advancement. A central question in this field is whether to take care
of the disability itself or to teach the students ways to bypass it. For many
years it was assumed that learning disabilities disappear with age. Now it has
become clear that this is not the case (Vogel 2007), since learning
disabilities are generally caused by cognitive-neurological deficiencies (Geary
2004). Apart from minor improvements with maturity, the disability accompa-nies
the individual throughout his or her whole life span (Gerber, Ginsberg, and
Reiff 1992; Gerber 1994; Gregg, Hoy, and Gay 1996). Therefore, learning
disabled students should be eligible to receive special dispensations and
accommodations in learning and examination methods. In order to derive the
maximum benefit from these accom-modations, there is a need to listen
attentively to the voices of the students themselves, and to learn about their
wishes, difficulties, and needs (Margalit, Efrati, and Danino 2002). This need
is what drove the present study.
A learning disabled student, faced with the
almost insurmountable challenge of achieving academic success (Heiman and
Precel 2003; Martínez and Semrud-Clikeman 2004) within the confines of the
school system, looks to teachers and
*Corresponding author. Email: debcourt@inter.net.il
Note: This manuscript was accepted by Young Chun Kim, QSE’s
regional editor for Asia in September 2009.
ISSN 0951-8398 print/ISSN 1366-5898 online © 2010 Taylor &
Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09518390903352343 http://www.informaworld.com
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284 S. Givon and D. Court
primary caregivers for guidance in this quest. Significant
attention has been given to the extent, and cognitive aspects of various
disabilities (Frith 1999), focusing on remediation, as well as increased
awareness of the role that emotional characteris-tics play in achieving
academic success (Einat 2000). Attempts at allocating resources and optimizing
deployment of educational services and accommoda-tions, based on understanding
factors that encourage or inhibit student success in matriculation examinations
(Ellis and Siegler 1997; Ellis and Larkin 1998), have led researchers to ask:
What emotional and cognitive resources do the students themselves recruit
toward trying to meet the academic demands of obtaining a matriculation certificate?
When demands exceed an individual’s inner
resources, the individual is in a state of ‘coping’ (Bailey, Barton, and
Vignola 1999), as reflected in his or her ‘sustain-ing’ ability. Garmezy and
Masten (1991) define ‘coping’ as the capacity to success-fully reach the stage
of self-adjustment, in spite of challenging or threatening circumstances.
Purpose of the study
The purpose of the present study was to explore the emotional
and cognitive processes experienced by high school students with both verbal
and non-verbal learn-ing disabilities, and to identify coping strategies they
employed. Results include a hierarchical continuum within which school
counselors and teachers may identify students’ current functioning, and help
students to progress toward coping strategies shown most effective in attaining
emotional and academic success (Gerber 2005). Coping is placed within the
context of the student’s progressive confrontation with his or her disability.
Research participants
A sample of 20 students with learning disability was chosen in
their ninth grade school year, prior to the year in which the first data
collection commenced. Choices were based on psychological and didactic tests,
and the type of disability diagnosed, that is whether nonverbal learning
disability (NLD) or verbal learning disability (VLD), and with or without
attention deficit disorder (ADD) and/or attention deficit and hyperac-tive
disorder (ADHD). Academic, social, and emotional histories also entered into
the selection of the students. The sample ranged in age from 16 at first data
point to 18 at the final data collection point. There were 10 girls and 10
boys. Table 1 below shows the research participants as they were diagnosed in
four distinct sub-groupings of learning disabilities.
The young people were considered to be the
experts on their own experience. The sample was a purposive sample, meaning
that subjects were chosen on the basis of being able to give information about
the topic for a range of disabilities connected with either NLD or VLD. This is
in keeping with the tradition of qualitative research which does not practice
random sampling.
There were five students in the first
grouping, comprising those with VLD, plus a form of attention deficit, either
ADD or ADHD. The second grouping had VLD with-out attention deficits; and the
third sub-group comprised those with NLD, either on its own, or with added ADD
or an attention deficit. The fourth sub-group all had an inte-grated set of
mixed problems including VLD, NLD, and ADHD.
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International Journal of
Qualitative Studies in Education 285
Table 1. Descriptive
details of research participants.
|
Fictitious
|
|
Socio-economic
|
Parental
|
First
|
Type of
|
No.
|
name
|
Sex
|
background
|
education
|
assessment
|
disability
|
|
|
|||||
Students with verbal learning disability – VLD + ADD/ADHD
|
|
|||||
1
|
Uri
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
5th
grade
|
VLD +
ADD
|
2
|
Martin
|
Boy
|
Lower
|
High
school
|
10th
grade
|
VLD +
ADD
|
3
|
Nir
|
Boy
|
High
|
Academic
|
Nursery school
|
VLD + ADHD
|
4
|
Michal
|
Girl
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
Nursery school
|
VLD + ADHD
|
5
|
Adam
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
4th
grade
|
VLD + HDHD
|
Students
with verbal learning disability – VLD without attention deficit
|
|
|||||
1
|
Eli
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
High school+
|
8th grade
|
VLD
|
2
|
Aviad
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
6th grade
|
VLD
|
3
|
Ofra
|
Girl
|
High
|
Academic
|
10th grade
|
VLD
|
4
|
Sara
|
Girl
|
Low
|
10 years
|
10th grade
|
VLD
|
5
|
Odaya
|
Girl
|
High
|
Academic
|
9th grade
|
VLD
|
Students
with non-verbal learning disability – NLD or verbal disability and attention
deficit
|
disorde – NLD + ADD
|
|
|
|
|
|
1
|
David
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
High school+
|
7th grade
|
NLD + ADD
|
2
|
Danny
|
Boy
|
High
|
High school+
|
7th grade
|
NLD + ADD
|
3
|
Haim
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
8th grade
|
NLD + ADD
|
4
|
Na’ama
|
Girl
|
High
|
Academic
|
7th grade
|
NLD + ADD
|
5
|
Tali
|
Girl
|
High
|
Academic
|
7th grade
|
NLD
|
Students
with integrated verbal and non-verbal disability and attention deficit – NLD +
VLD
|
+ ADHD
|
|
|
|
|
|
1
|
Avia
|
Girl
|
High
|
Academic
|
10th grade
|
Integrated
|
2
|
Batya
|
Girl
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
7th grade
|
Integrated
|
3
|
Meira
|
Girl
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
8th grade
|
Integrated
|
4
|
Zohar
|
Girl
|
Middle
|
High school+
|
5th grade
|
Integrated
|
5
|
Michael
|
Boy
|
Middle
|
Academic
|
Nursery
school
|
Integrated
|
Note: n
= 20 (10 girls, 10 boys).
Methodology
and data collection
Primary data came from in-depth, semi-structured interviews with
each of the pupils in the sample. Additional information about social
functioning, social support, and academic achievement was derived from
interviews with parents and teachers, and from the pupils’ personal files and
academic records. These multiple data sources also served for cross-checking of
data in the analysis phase. A triangulation process serves to confirm,
validate, and extend hypotheses emerging from the data contained in the semi-structured
interviews. Data gathered during interactions with the students in real time
over a period of three years allowed us to intimately follow the progress and
devel-opment of student perceptions and experiences, coping processes, and
development.
Examples of the three semi-structured
interview protocols are shown in Appendices 1–3. Interviews were conducted in
an open and flexible manner, with the interviewer using her discretion
regarding the topics to be covered. However, the main topics
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286 S. Givon and D. Court
covered for each included the subject’s background before being
diagnosed, his or her understanding of the disability, coping methods, use of
adjustments, and accommoda-tions given, together with the student’s assessment
of their efficacy, parental support, social support, use of academic, social,
and psychological services, and the student’s thoughts about academic success
in the future.
Interviews were
conducted at three points in time:
(1)
Beginning of the 10th grade,
before any of the matriculation examinations began. This interview was a
retrospective life-history interview and was focused on the past
regarding the pupil’s learning disability.
(2)
During the 11th grade, in
relation to the present, and with a focus on the student’s perceptions
regarding specifics of his or her current learning issues. The interviews were
conducted prior to the matriculation examinations held in that year.
(3)
At the conclusion of the 12th
grade, after taking final matriculation examina-tions. This interview contained
questions and probes directed to the future.
Complementary data sources collected included:
(1)
For the first interview, the
student’s academic and social functioning up to this point based on
conversations with parents and teachers.
(2)
For the second interview,
material collected from student files, teachers’ reports, and the minutes of
staff meetings.
(3)
For the third interview, the
student’s final matriculation grades, the ‘security grade’ which is a
teacher-given annual school grade, and material gathered from the student’s
personal files, staff meeting reports, and end-of-year report cards. The final
matriculation grade is calculated as the average between the annual ‘security
grade’ and the actual examination grade attained.
Data management and analysis
The ‘grounded theory’ methodology was used for data analysis.
Using this methodol-ogy, the resultant model emerges from the data itself in
which it was ‘grounded.’ All of the semi-structured interviews, audio-taped and
transcribed, were analyzed accord-ing to the principles of ‘grounded theory’
(Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1994). Using this methodology, the
resultant model emerges from the data itself in which it was ‘grounded.’ The
ATLAS-ti (2004) computer program for quali-tative data analysis was used to
manage the datasets, and as an aid in coding and compiling flow charts to show
connections between codes.
We followed the classic procedures suggested
for grounded theory. We first iden-tified categories and sub-categories in the
semi-structured interview transcripts using an ‘open-coding’ process. These
were re-checked, re-assembled, linked to, compared, and cross-checked with each
other and with data from the complementary sources. Constant comparison allowed
us to identify core categories which were those which appeared frequently, or
with greater clarity and focus than others, and which could be related to other
categories, confirmed by other data, or categories, or differentiated from
them. This axial coding process enabled us to distinguish two central axes
around which the other core categories rotated. The process of selective coding
also enabled us to follow a storyline which enabled a conceptual model to be
constructed
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International
Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education
287
which differentiated between coping styles, causality, and
adaptive and maladaptive behaviors. As Merriam (2001) writes, researchers who
build theory in an applied field such as education need to evaluate their
emerging theory in terms of how well it fits in the area to which it will be
applied and how useful it will be to practitioners in this area. We tried to
attend both to the richness and robustness of the grounded theory and how
thoroughly it was grounded in the data, and to its clarity and
applicability for educators working with students with learning disabilities.
Results:
a model of coping strategies
Data analysis revealed four coping strategies which were used by
the students, and which appeared in two discrete fields, namely the
cognitive-academic and the emotional. These coping strategies we called
‘Avoidance,’ ‘Rebellion,’ ‘Reconcilia-tion,’ and ‘Determination.’ Styles of
coping were influenced by environmental and internal factors, such as social,
parental, and educational support, the age of diagnosis, and the
self-perception of the student and perception of his or her disability.
Two of the strategies were negative and did
not lead to full acceptance and inte-gration of the disability with the
self-image, namely avoidance and rebellion; the other two, reconciliation and
determination, were constructive, leading to adjustment and integration with
self-identity. These coping strategies were found to either remain as stances
within which students were stuck or to be stages in the progression through
which students passed en route to full integration of their disability into
their self-image. Being able to identify that a student has currently adopted
one of the stances, or coping stages, can assist school counselors, and
learning disability specialists in assessment and in helping students to attain
their goals. The model which emerged from the grounded theory analysis is
presented in Table 2.
The two thematic
axes around which the core categories revolved were:
(1)
The cognitive, academic field –
academic abilities or deficits and repetitive failures were seen to lead to
feelings of success or to powerlessness and lack of control.
(2)
The emotional field – fears of
being labeled or stigmatized as academically incompetent, and experiencing a
sense of threat to the self.
This finding is consonant with the literature on stress and
coping (e.g. Lazarus and Folkman 1984; Folkmand and Lazarus 1991; Aldwin 1999).
Coping styles either promoted or hindered the student’s acceptance of his or
her disability. Coping is the critical end stage in a student’s history of
confronting disability. Confrontation begins with unmet societal pressures and
progresses through identification of disabilities and attempted interventions,
severely stressing the student’s emotions and image of self. Stances and coping
strategies students adopt in response to demands and stress, both to determine
academic success and to define adjustments or non-adjustments students will
take into adult life. Table 3 presents a flow chart of the model of coping
strategies employed by the students in elation to the disability itself and to
the emotions engen-dered by the disability.
Styles of
emotional and cognitive coping strategies
The way students first conceive of their disability and its
diagnosis, as a threat or a challenge, is the principal determining factor for
how they will choose to cope. Do
Table
2. Model of coping strategies.
|
Cognitive
learning difficulties
|
Emotions
accompanying disability
|
|||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Guarding against being overwhelmed by feelings
|
|
Goal of coping
|
Overcoming powerlessness, helplessness, and lack of control
|
of threat to self, and being labeled as
incompetent
|
|||
|
|
|
|
||
Adaptive,
consolidation:
|
•
|
Realistically gauging
difficulty in relation to resources
|
• Perception of
the disability as part of the self
|
||
Determination
|
•
|
Investment
of effort
|
• Making space for the
disability
|
||
|
• Reframing and
definition of the learning disability in
|
• Reframing and
defining the disability
|
|||
|
|
relationship
to the tasks
|
• New meaning to life
despite the disability
|
||
|
•
|
Allocating
suitable resources
|
•
Motivation to prove one’s ability to succeed
|
||
|
• Determination to
succeed despite the learning disability
|
|
despite
difficulties
|
||
|
•
Appropriate investment of effort toward the goal of succeeding
|
|
|
||
Adaptive,
transitive:
|
•
|
Choice of a variety of
ways of coping with the difficulties
|
• Calming feelings with self-soothing
|
||
Reconciliation
|
•
|
Gaining
control through finding alternative ways of learning
|
• Reducing strength of
feelings
|
||
|
• Use of rational
judgment in relation to allocation and
|
•
|
Balancing
emotional strengths
|
||
|
|
investment
of resources
|
•
|
Coping
with anxiety
|
|
|
|
|
|
•
Recruiting skills and aid in relaxation and for
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
calming
self
|
Non-adaptive,
rejectionist:
|
•
|
Anger
|
•
|
Expression of anger
|
|
Rebellion
|
•
|
Aggressiveness
|
•
|
Blaming
environment
|
|
|
•
|
Resistance
to therapy
|
•
|
Rebellious
behavior
|
|
|
•
|
Rude
behavior
|
•
|
Acting-out
behavior
|
|
|
• Disturbing behavior
during study periods
|
•
|
Anti-social
behavior
|
||
|
• Attempting to prove
can cope without losing emotional control
|
|
|
||
|
• Over-compensation and
exaggerated effort
|
|
|
||
|
• Repression leading to
feelings of equality with peers
|
|
|
||
Non-adaptive,
defensive:
|
•
|
Exaggerated dependence on
others
|
•
|
Avoiding negative
feelings
|
|
Avoidance
|
•
|
Turning
inwards
|
• Repression of
difficult situations
|
||
|
•
|
Giving
up
|
•
|
Depression,
hopelessness
|
|
|
•
|
Avoiding
effort
|
•
|
Suicidal
thoughts
|
|
|
• Turning away from
battling
|
• Substituting
threatening feelings with
|
|||
|
•
|
Crying
|
|
anorexia,
drugs, smoking
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
288 S. Givon and D.
Court
|
Table
3. Flow chart of model of coping
strategies employed by the students coping strategies.
Coping
with the cognitive learning difficulties
|
|
|
|
Coping with the emotions
which accompany the disability
|
|
|||||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|
|
|
Goal
of coping: guarding against being overwhelmed by feelings of threat to
|
|
|||||
Goal of coping: overcoming powerlessness,
helplessness, and lack of control
|
|
the self
and being labeled as incompetent
|
|
|||||||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||||
Adaptive
|
|
Non-adaptive
|
|
Adaptive
|
|
Non-adaptive
|
|
|||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Determination
|
Reconciliation
|
|
Rebellion
|
Avoidance
|
|
Determination
|
Reconciliation
|
|
Rebellion
|
Avoidance
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
Realistically gauging
|
Choice of a
|
|
Anger
|
Exaggerated
|
Perception
of the
|
Calming feelings
|
|
Expression
of
|
Avoiding
negative
|
|
||
the
difficulty in
|
variety
of
|
|
Aggressiveness
|
dependence
|
|
disability
as
|
with self-soothing
|
|
anger
|
feelings
|
|
|
relationship
to
|
ways of
|
|
on
others
|
|
part of the self
|
Reducing strength of
|
|
Blaming
|
Repression of
|
|
||
|
Resistance
to
|
|
|
|
||||||||
resources
|
coping
with
|
|
Turning
|
Making
space for
|
feelings
|
|
environment
|
difficult
|
|
|||
|
the
difficulties
|
|
therapy
|
|
|
|||||||
Investment of effort
|
|
inwards
|
|
the
disability
|
Balancing emotional
|
|
Rebellious
|
situations
|
|
|||
Finding
|
|
Rude
behavior
|
|
|
|
|||||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Depression,
|
|
||||
Reframing and
|
|
Giving
up
|
Reframing
and
|
strengths
|
|
behavior
|
|
|||||
alternative
|
|
Disturbing behavior
|
|
|
||||||||
definition
of the
|
|
Avoiding
|
|
defining
the
|
Coping with anxiety
|
|
Acting-out
|
hopelessness
|
|
|||
learning disability
|
ways of
|
|
during
study
|
|
disability
|
|
Suicidal
thoughts
|
|
||||
|
effort
|
|
|
|
behavior
|
|
||||||
in
relationship to
|
learning
|
|
periods
|
New meaning to
|
Recruiting
skills and
|
|
|
|||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||||||
the tasks and
|
which
gives
|
|
Attempting to prove
|
Turning away
|
aid in relaxation
|
|
Anti-social
|
Substituting
|
|
|||
control
|
|
|
life despite the
|
|
|
|||||||
assessing
and
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that is able to
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from
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and calming self
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behavior
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threatening
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Use of rational
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battling
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disability
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feelings with
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allocating
suitable
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cope
without
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resources
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judgment
in
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losing
control
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Crying
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Motivation
to
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anorexia, drugs,
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Determination
to
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relation
to
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emotionally,
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prove
one’s
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smoking
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ability
to
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succeed
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allocation and
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over-
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succeed despite
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investment
of
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compensation and
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Despite the learning
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resources
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exaggerated
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difficulties
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disability,
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effort
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appropriate
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Repression leading
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investment
of
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effort toward goal
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to
feelings of
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of
succeeding
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equality
with
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peers
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International
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289
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290 S. Givon and D. Court
they focus on the problem, or on the emotional distress
resulting from the problem? The fear of being labeled and helplessness in
cognitive learning were also significant features. Buffering factors which can
help a student to move from non-adaptive coping styles to adaptive styles,
include social and parental support, and attitudes and practical help from the
school environment. What follows is a summary of the four major coping
strategies and how they functioned in the emotional and cognitive fields.
Avoidance
This is a non-adaptive coping strategy which was found to
function on the cognitive as well as on the emotional side. Essentially a
defensive pattern of behaviors (Sideri-dis et al. 2006; Sideridis 2007), it
includes lack of belief in help, lack of willingness to cooperate in treatment
options, repression and denial of the situation, withdrawal behavior, tendency
to weeping, depressive symptoms, giving up, and an exaggerated dependency on an
adult figure(s). In some students, we found anorexia, suicidal thoughts,
smoking, and dependence on drugs. These strategies characterized the beginning
stages of the acceptance, understanding, and processing of the diagnosis, for
those who moved on. Some students were stuck here; others retreated to these
patterns when under threat or stress.
Lazarus and Folkman (1984) have pointed out
how lack of control over stressful situations can lead to avoidance patterns.
Students who employed emotional avoid-ance usually did so when they were
diagnosed, and also adopted avoidance for other life challenges. They found it
hard to recruit emotional or other resources in coping with their difficulties,
and took refuge in fleeing from them. These students were typified by fear of
failure, anxiety about academic demands, avoidance of the oppor-tunity for
failure by truancy and non-attendance at school, non-fulfillment of academic
tasks, and fear of examinations. Three of the girls reported that they had
problems with anorexia. This could be interpreted as having exchanged the
feelings of threat for a danger that was more tangible, but less disturbing to
their self-image. Some of the boys described wanting to feel good by using
addictive substances. Several students described resorting to crying jags, and
perceived themselves as ‘sensitive’ children. Those who avoided their issues
were also avoiding the realities of repeated academic failures, and repressing
their feelings of frustration and anger at not being in control. These were the
students who expressed a desire to study in other schools or programs. Fleeing
from anxiety, they would deny, repress and avoid problems, frequently moving
into the next stage in the coping progression, that of rebellion. Academically,
students in the avoidance phase, or who used avoidance to cope, would be absent
from class or arrive late to classes, not complete homework assignments, or be
unwilling to cope on their own with academic tasks, often showing exaggerated
dependence on adults or parents. The pattern of avoidance was found in
retrospective storytelling which described the beginnings of the process in
childhood, or adolescence, and depicted a state of being stuck in the initial
stage of not accepting the disability. It was the NLD students who were more
often stuck in this stage of non-acceptance in adolescence than students with
other disabilities.
Rebellion
Students who employed rebellion as a coping strategy rejected proffered
help, tended to blame others for their difficulties, failed to reconcile with
their disability, and used
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bargaining tactics in their social environment and rebellious
forms of acting-out behavior. The focus of control was directed outwards to
external factors; these students would not take responsibility for themselves,
their behavior, or their learning problems.
Reconciliation
Reconciliation is a step on the way to full acceptance of, and
adaptation to, the disabil-ity (Waber et al. 2003). Students who adopt this
strategy experience their limitations but are willing to invest effort in
coping with them. In a sense, they sigh – but they cope. They display modes of
emotional self-regulation, and treat the anxiety they might feel, without it
overwhelming them. They are able to find a balance between different and
conflicting emotions. They actively seek out help for their problems and do not
deny them. They neither avoid their diagnosis nor repress it. They accept their
learning disability as part of their self-image. They are able to live with the
realization that they have a disability, but do not give in to feelings of
despair. They might still wish to be treated as ordinary boys and girls, but
are cooperative with and accepting of remedial help and assistance. Their
emotional and cognitive coping go hand in hand, as they deal with their
difficulties and accept them on an emotional level. They approach their
difficulties in a rational manner and display a sense of control over their
emotions.
Determination
Determination, the most adaptive coping strategy, is the
consolidation stage following reconciliation. This coping strategy features
determination to face and deal with the challenges of their limitations, and to
display their full range of personal competencies despite the learning
disability. The disability is perceived as part of their self-image, and they
show an ability to reframe the situation as one which is amenable to change and
with which they can cope. These students display resilience, as they change the
disability from a threat to their self identity to a challenge to be met. As
they display a positive attitude so others in their social environment react
more positively and are more accepting of them, which in turn affirms and
confirms their strategy and their self-worth. Students in their final year who
are determined have high expectations of themselves and their performance, and
work hard to achieve this. They are able to shift strengths to answer specific
challenges, and are spurred on to proving that they can succeed despite their
disability.
The strategy of determination can employ
avoidant-like cognitive coping methods, which are in fact adaptive to positive
ends, avoiding the problem by finding ‘work-arounds’ to dealing with
challenges, bypassing their difficulties or compensating for them. Students
with reading and attention difficulties reported that they preferred not to
read textbooks at all, but had peers read aloud to them or would use summaries
written by friends or teachers. Some students with attention deficits would
speak aloud to themselves to memorize and benefit from studying with a friend
to check ‘what I know and what I don’t’.
Students were able to guess words from their
context. As one student put it, ‘Everyone who has dyslexia knows how to read,
by aid of what he does understand, of what is written there, even if it is a
difficult word’. This method of compensation has been previously studied by
Stanovich (1984) and others such as Fink (1995) and
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292 S. Givon and D. Court
Kos (1991), who found that displaying interest in the topics
being studied can affect the fluency of reading and coping with unfamiliar
texts. In some respects, this finding is worrisome, for it has been shown that
practice in reading, even when there is no change in the manner or quality of
reading, can have a morphological, functional effect on the structure of the
brain (Lishman 2003; Tallal 2003).
Some find ways of preparing for the
matriculation examination ‘without opening a book’. This begs the question of
the nature of such examinations, when a student can pass by reading only
summaries and flow charts. It was noteworthy that, when study-ing for the
matriculation examinations, determined students would more often turn to their friends
and peers than their parents for help. They would also utilize techniques they
learned from remedial teachers. They were willing to use all the special
dispen-sations and accommodations the educational system provided. They
regarded them-selves not as handicapped, but as having a certain degree of
handicap which entitled them to special rights in order to cope. They were not
apologetic about their disability, and saw the commitment to help as the
school’s responsibility, and their opportunity to use accommodations as a
right, not a privilege. Thus, Ofra saw the school’s supply of special
dispensations as a way of giving the students with learning disabilities equal
opportunities. She said:
First, the
commitment to the student belongs to the school. The student does not always
have to run … bring the tape-recorder and say sorry for needing to be read
aloud to. No! It is a thing that he deserves. It is the school’s commitment.
This is what he deserves and what he needs. There is a student who needs a chair
and a table and there is another one that needs to be read aloud to. It is
highly important to do this thing, because otherwise, I sometimes felt as if I
asked too much … Sorry, but can someone read aloud to me? Sorry, but I need
extra time, and … It has to be completely the other way, like also the thing of
informing the teachers so that they also understand, and know what adjustments
mean, what it says about the meaning of treating the student … that it says
nothing … [smiling] that it says nothing.
Teachers are in the front line of providing help and support,
and the determined students felt that if the teachers treated their
disabilities as something natural and acceptable, this would help them.
Teachers also need to know what the current dispen-sations are for learning
disabled students and to keep up with any changes in policies.
Students with non-verbal learning
disabilities found it harder to move beyond the non-adaptive coping styles than
did their peers with other difficulties. This could be due to personality
characteristics that are associated with their disability. Those who reached a
partial reconciliation approaching determination were liable to fall back on
patterns of avoidance and rebellion during tests and examination periods. Even
when acting in a determined manner, this could be termed ‘pseudo-determination’
since they went about dealing with challenges in an unrealistic manner, ‘going
against the wind.’ Their self-perceptions were also, in the main, unrealistic.
Psychological support did not seem to prevent them from ‘tripping up’ when they
faced situations which placed them with a renewed definition of their
disabilities, something to be considered by educational counselors and remedial
professionals (Little 1999; Palombo 2001).
Problems
with early diagnosis
Most of the participants reported that from an early age, before
their learning disabil-ity was diagnosed, they felt ‘something was wrong’.
First failures at a young age can
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generally cause deep feelings of insecurity and negative
self-image (Gans, Kenny, and Ghany 2003). The mother is usually the first to
seek help, but even then she is some-times mistakenly dismissed, as Zohar
described:
Mom was more
furious than anyone, because she was the one, who, from first or second grade
felt that something was wrong with me, but the teacher kept saying: ‘You’re
pressuring the child too much. You’re not giving her freedom,’ and stuff.
Later, my mom used to say: ‘Look, you see, I could have taken care of you
before and the teacher prevented me, and ruined things.’ It was hard for me to
see her suffering like that. As if she blamed herself for what happened, and in
the end she saw that she took me to be diag-nosed and all privately (at her
expense) and spent lots of money on it, just to fix what happened and to help
me.
Even after the formal diagnosis, especially when done at a young
age, the learning disability is thought to be something strange, confusing, and
unclear. The deficiency is regarded as something to be ashamed of, for the
child to hide and keep up a pretense at school that ‘everything is as usual’,
in spite of many hours of corrective instruction that might have been given in
the afternoons outside of formal school hours.
Knowledge about when learning disability was
first identified is important for understanding the student’s coping processes
and strengths. From the research partic-ipants we learned that even diagnoses
done in elementary school do not alleviate academic failure and ‘being
different’. They describe negative and embarrassing memories. In retrospect
many felt that they were too young and immature to deal with and understand the
meaning of their diagnosis. Only when they reached the beginning of high school
did they describe diagnosis either as a motivating factor to deal with their
problems or as a shock if it is only diagnosed later. The revelation that they
have a learning disability and that ‘this is a constant thing that will not
change’ was usually a threatening situation involving loss and anger. As Ofra
again described:
And this makes me
angry every time I remember it… that how come that a student in school, only
after ten years they discover that she has such things. I have so much anger
towards the educational system, again, that they don’t prepare the teachers for
this thing, what kind of thing is it, that a teacher has to cope with such a
thing and such a variety of students like he has to cope with the student’s
problem and also he has to know how to approach a student with a certain
problem…
Stages in
acceptance of the diagnosis
Denzin (1989) speaks of a turning point in human life, a key
event or epiphany. Life before the revelation is not like life
afterwards. For students with a learning disability, in order to turn the
diagnosis into a meaningful turning point in their lives, they would need the
cognitive ability to understand the ramifications of the diagnosis, be ready to
accept the diagnosis and the necessity for it, and to have the results and
ramifications of the diagnosis made clear and explicit.
The process, through which the diagnosis can
turn into a meaningful factor in the academic coping of the student, can be
characterized by four stages from understand-ing, to acceptance and
reconciliation.
(1)
Understanding of the meaning of
the diagnosis, its goal and the necessity thereof
(2)
Understanding the actual
disability and its meanings
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S. Givon and D. Court
(3)
Readiness to recruit inner
strength in order to invest in learning and to receive help in special
dispensations, accommodations, and in learning
(4)
Readiness to fully use the
recommendations that are made, and insisting on the right to be granted available
special services, even if this involves battles, exposure, and labeling
Identification of the stage that the student is at in this
process, especially by school counselors, is a significant starting point to
the commencement of scholastic treatment.
All students underwent similar processes from
the day they understood the mean-ing of the diagnosis and its necessity: being
ready to accept it and reconcile with it as part of their self perception. Not
every student goes through all the stages, but one can always identify the
place the student is at in the sequence of the process, and the stage of the
decision-making process accompanying the receiving of the adjustment, as
expressed by Ofra:
From the time of
the diagnosis, it was all the time a matter of process. For me, at least, it
was a never-ending process. It was accepting … that you accept yourself each
time anew, every time you pass a stage and the last year (12th grade) was a
year that on the one hand, I demanded less from myself, and on the other hand,
I insisted on my rights (accommodations) like being read to aloud, and things
like that. I really insisted. I knew that this was what I deserved and needed,
and slowly I began to use things like extra time. So in the beginning, I said:
‘Come on, who needs it?’ I don’t always need the reading aloud, and slowly I
saw that even if I don’t think it’ll help me, I’ll take it. I probably need it,
and slowly, I discovered that I do need it. There are things that I still think
I’ll never accept, like comments from the people around me, that I haven’t
fully accepted it. Maybe socially there is some kind of progress, but still,
it’s still not the end. I still feel different.
When the diagnostic-acceptance process continued over
substantial periods of time – starting at the beginning of junior high school
up to the beginning of high school studies – students passed the stages in a
gradual manner, and were more ready to accept the deficiency and to reach the
stage of reconciliation before the matriculation examinations started. These
students had more available resources to invest in coping with the learning and
the cognitive difficulties accompanying the matriculation examinations.
If their process was too extensive, or they
remained ‘stuck’ in an initial phase of denial of the problem, students had
difficulties concentrating on the cognitive task and became overwhelmed in
coping with the emotions accompanying the problem. Busy with their fear of being
labeled and with emotional coping, they were not free for learning; as Ofra
explained:
It is very
difficult, because beyond getting used to being read aloud to you and all the
technical things; for me, the mental process was very meaningful, a thing that
inhibits very much when I come to the exam with discomfort and with a special
block […]. I did not understand why I was given these things, and like
everything happens so quickly, as if before the diagnosis and until you take
the time to digest the fact that you have such accommodations and these are the
first matriculation exams and everything is new, everything goes quickly […]
nothing was really stable to let me really calm myself.
The students who face more difficulties with their coping are
especially those with NLD. Kübler-Ross (1978) described seven stages in coping
with a loss: shock, apathy or denial, depression, concession, re-examination of
the place of the individual in the
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world, quest for meaning and at the end – reconciliation. It is
interesting to note that the sense of loss that the students described
following their diagnosis, and the revela-tion that they are not like everybody
else, is similar to the stages following bereave-ment and loss.
Internal
and external factors in the development of coping strategies
The study clarified that coping strategies were created in and
affected by certain contexts, that is, external conditions including family
support, social support, and school support, and internal conditions of the
individual – personality characteristics, self-perception, the stage the
student is at in the process of acceptance of the deficiency, and the
perception of the deficiency as part of the consolidated identity at
adolescence.
Family support
Parents aspire for continuity, and wish to view their genetic
pool in a positive light. When this aspiration cannot materialize, due to a
deficiency, perhaps of a genetic source, parents may feel guilt (Dokins 1989).
The result of contradicting emotions along time – worry and over-protection on
one hand, and rejection, anger, denial, and despair on the other hand – may
cause faulty relationships and an unstable foundation for the construction of
the self-image of the child.
In many cases, the mother is the first to ask
for diagnosis, but the educational system or the father denies her, claiming
‘everything is going to be fine’. In the histories of the participants of this
study, the active and non-compromising concern of the mothers stood out. This
expressed itself in their taking the initiative in seeking diagnosis, mainly
during elementary school, in help with learning given by most of them to their
children, sometimes by picking a private tutor or sending them for para-medical
treatments and making sure that the child attended treatments. The mother
herself might function as a private tutor and read school material aloud to the
child, teach him/her, and organize the learning process. Where the family is
unified, the child feels protected and is more ready to recruit him or herself
to the challenges of learning, as described by Nir:
The thing that
helped me most was the family support. The most, most help came from the family
support. Support by the fact that they understood. I have had this since a
young age, and they also understood when it was my fun time. My father … let’s
say my mother and father were really understanding towards me. It was exactly,
exactly what I needed like when I felt that I had to go out, my father said:
‘Enough, let him out already, he can’t do it anymore’. And with my mother … she
knew when it was too much and was like: ‘Enough. Sit a little while and study a
little’ and all that, she was helping me plenty. She is educated, like, and she
helped me in English and in math and in civics. Yes, until this year she used
to help me with everything, they helped me and paid for all the private
tutoring and it’s plenty of money, like, it makes you feel uneasy.
Social
support
We found that societal relationships and perception play a
considerable role in the choice of the coping strategies. Difficulties in
social proficiency have two main dimensions: the cognitive dimension and the
emotional dimension. In the cognitive
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296 S. Givon and D. Court
dimension, the ability to solve social problems is a part of
basic thinking processes and requires a cognitive proficiency in understanding
social situations, grasping non-verbal nuances, and having skills for
successful communication. When social behavior and cues are wrongly
interpreted, this can set off a chain of reactions and difficulties.
Social deficits (Tur-Kaspa 2002) are often
related to the disability itself (Margalit and Levin-Alyagon 1996). The
emotional dimension is another source of social diffi-culties that reflect the
degree of ability of emotional regulation of feelings such as arousal, lack of
self-confidence, frustration, aggression, and violent behaviors. These are
factors secondary to the disability and its meaning to the individual.
Disruptions in the fabric of social communication can lead to avoidance of
social situations, and compound inter-personal difficulties due to lack of
social experience.
Research participants expressed the view that
their social difficulties were height-ened at the time of diagnosis, due to
fear of being labeled and ostracized. Once the shift toward acceptance
occurred, usually in the beginning of high school, when diagnosis becomes a
tool for success rather than a stigmatic label, the perceived stigma of
diagnosis was less prominent than the desire for social acceptance. The fear of
being labeled actually acted as a stimulus for taking help and special
dispensations, encouraging students to work actively on their disabilities so
as not to be labeled. However, the students with NLD who were still, at the end
of their high school careers, fearful of the social labeling aspect, differed
from their learning disability peers in that they reported that they would not
rush to tell others about their disability or make further use of special study
dispensations after high school. It was mainly the NLD students who regarded
the diagnosis as the source of their social difficulties, and could not
separate out their problems in social communication as part of their larger
problem. Some even claimed to have no difficulties at all, although these
statements were contradicted by comments from their parents and teachers.
Lack of support in elementary school
Students reported most signs of distress at a younger age, signs
of moderation and acceptance as they passed on to junior high, and the least
amount of distress when they reached high school. Many of the students reported
that while in elementary school, their teachers disregarded recommendations
relating to their diagnosis, often not even reading them; there was a sharp
disconnect between the diagnosing agents and the teacher’s implementation of
their didactic remedial instructions. This might be due to a more accepting and
informed attitude in more recent years, and greater awareness of the teacher’s
role with the student with learning disabilities and the teacher’s cooper-ation
with remedial and special dispensations. It could also be that there is more
awareness and education among high school educators with regard to these
problems than in elementary level teachers.
From the student research participants
themselves, we heard that elementary school teachers expected them to perform
like everyone else, and that in some cases, their disabilities were exposed in
front of their peers; students felt humiliated and embarrassed. Additionally,
they failed to receive the anticipated support following the diagnosis, and the
many hours they spent in corrective education were not reflected in their
school performance. They describe a poor self-perception of themselves in
elementary school. Once they moved on to junior high, students had, on the one
hand, more need for special adjustments and assistance, but there was also a
concomitantly
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positive response to their needs from the school system.
Perhaps, the teachers had more in-service training about student needs and difficulties,
and accommodations were more frequently built in to the educational system.
Whatever the reason, for a majority, the self-perceptions of students during
their junior high years changed for the better. The system seemed to encourage
acceptance and reconciliation at this point, and fear of labeling decreased.
Intrinsic
personality characteristics
Individual personality characteristics, including
self-perception, play a significant role in the coping process and in the
individual’s acceptance of the disability and move-ment along the phases of
reconciliation and acceptance of the disability as part of his or her
self-identity.
Comparing the progress from their
retrospective accounts of childhood with narratives of their junior and high
school experience, most of the students saw child-hood as the period in which
they wanted to be considered one of their peer group, and they compared
themselves unfavorably with their peers in terms of their disability and poor
scholastic achievements. During adolescence, the arena of coping extended to
newfound areas of focus and interest beyond the scholastic. They describe
receiving encouragement and acceptance from their peers, and this in turn
facilitated self-acceptance and the working through of the stages of
reconciliation with their deficien-cies. Most of the participants reported
that, when they publicized their disability, the social environment reacted in
a more positive manner than when they were in elemen-tary school: ‘The guys in
class took it naturally’. The disability did not hinder the establishment of
satisfactory social relationships, and shame was reduced as openness and
support increased. There were almost no negative responses in high school.
Students were also able to turn to their peers for help with their studies or
for a sympa-thetic ear with their struggles. As one of the research
participants stated: ‘The moment I accepted it, so society accepted it better.’
This did not come easily. She named the process she underwent, ‘an endless
process, like stairs that have ups and downs.’
Conclusions
and recommendations
The methodology of using in-depth semi-structured interviews
(Paterson 2007), bolstered by complementary data culled from teacher and parent
discussions and academic reports and notes, provided a rich source of data.
Researchers heard the voice of the students expressing their perceptions of
their problems and needs. Coping strengths and weaknesses in two fields, the
cognitive and the emotional, were revealed to have buffering causes, and also
consequences that were either adaptive or maladap-tive. The progression of
student-coping strategies from their own perspective from elementary school
through junior to high school and their efforts to achieve a matric-ulation certificate
could be traced in real time, with only the first data collection point a
retrospective account.
A model was constructed which shows four
major coping styles and how these are expressed in the cognitive and emotional
domains. These styles were found to be discrete strategies, which could also be
viewed as stages in a linear progression from non-adaptation to adaptation and
accommodation with the disability. The model allows for the dynamic nature of
coping and adaptation to a learning disability. Students could be placed in one
of the stages and be stuck in a non-adaptive mode or
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could move forward through all or some of the stages to the last
phase of adaptation in coping with their disability. When students find
themselves in stressful academic situations or challenging emotional contexts,
they tend to regress to earlier modes of non-adaptation.
The coping strategies could be viewed as
moving along two parallel lines: one the emotional, the other the cognitive.
The major goals of emotional coping strategies were to overcome being flooded
with feelings of threat to the self and fears of being labeled as different and
incompetent. Strategies employed for cognitive coping aimed to help the
students to overcome feelings of helplessness, powerlessness, and loss of
control. The four major coping strategies – avoidance, rebellion, reconciliation,
and determination – were expressed in slightly differing nuances on the
emotional and cognitive side. The former two were non-adaptive styles whereas
the last two were adaptive and led to successful outcomes of coping. Some
students described moving through all four of these styles whereas others
appeared to be stuck in one of them. Differences were seen between students
with non-verbal deficits and those with verbal disabilities.
Early identification of disability is
recommended, together with school acceptance of disabilities and provision of
accommodations for assisting students with disabilities from elementary school
through junior high and on to high school. However, interven-tions are
effective only to the extent that students internalize coping strategies and
styles. Teachers, school counselors, and remedial educators can use the four
coping strategy model to discover students’ present coping styles, strengths,
and weaknesses, and to then help students improve their strategies for coping.
Notes on contributors
Sara Givon is the head of the planning team for courses in
diagnostic testing at the Moffet Institute in Israel. She lectures in areas
related to teacher training for learning disabilities at Jerusalem College and
Hertzog College in Israel, and works with the Israeli Ministry of Education in
the Department of Learning Disabilities.
Deborah Court is a senior lecturer in the School of Education at
Bar-Ilan University in Israel. She teaches courses in curriculum studies and
qualitative research methodology. Her research centers on school and classroom
culture, the ways values are transmitted through school culture, and on school
leadership.
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Appendix 1. Flexible interview protocol for Interview 1;
conducted when students were in 10th grade
Open-ended
question
(1)
I am interested in the life
stories of students who are being examined for matriculation in the framework
of special dispensations. Please tell me your life story from when you remember
yourself until today.
Focused
questions (to be adapted to the student narrative)
Educational-learning
history
(1)
What were the first signs of your difficulty?
(2)
How did those in your environment
react at this time?
(3)
How did you cope during this
period?
(4)
Who first recognized the
difficulty; how, and during which grade?
(5)
What methods were employed to
help with your studies, and what were their effec-tiveness?
(6)
What were family, friends, and
teacher responses to your difficulties at significant stations in your school
career?
(7)
In which class did you start to
use the special educational dispensations in a formal manner? How did those in
your environment react to this?
(8)
In what way did moving from one
special framework to help with your disability to another influence you?
Perception of learning disability, and influence of this
(1)
When was the most significant
educational assessment? What were you told? How did your parents react?
(2)
How can you define the difficulty
and to what can you compare it? (Probe for similes and metaphors)
(3)
How did your friends react to
your assessment? When did you, if at all, tell them?
(4)
Describe positive and negative
experiences to do with your disability.
(5)
How do you cope today in terms of
learning, and with the reactions of those in your social environment?
(6)
What do you do in your leisure
time? Do you have hobbies, or special interests?
Future
perspective
(1)
How do you see your chances of succeeding in the matriculation
examinations?
(2)
How do you see yourself in terms
of occupation in the future?
(3)
What would you recommend to a
student who has similar problems to yours who is starting high school?
(4)
How would your difficulties
influence your future choice of profession?
(5)
What do you want to do when you
‘grow up?’
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302 S. Givon and D. Court
Appendix 2. Flexible interview protocol for Interview 2;
conducted when students were in 11th grade
Open-ended
question
(1)
A year has passed since our last
interview on the eve of Passover. I am still interested in the experiences of a
student who is coping with the matriculation under the new (Israeli) special
education dispensations, called ‘accommodations.’ Tell me what has been
happening since we parted until today.
Focused questions (to be adapted to the student narrative)
Description of cognitive coping with the learning disability
(1)
How do you prepare for
examinations? What are the systems and services you use for preparation, both
within the school and outside?
(2)
Describe an incident that
occurred around an examination, and what you thought about before and after?
(3)
Describe your daily routine
during the examination period.
(4)
Describe your manner of coping
with your studies and feelings during this busy period.
(5)
Describe a situation in which
there was a change in your feelings about yourself and towards studying.
(6)
Describe the nature of the
support you receive from parents, family members, and teachers. What in
particular has been helpful?
(7)
Describe your relationship to
your peers and friends.
(8)
What are your extra-curricular
and recreational activities?
(9)
Describe your relationship to the
special dispensations (accommodations) given; their effectiveness, the method
the school uses to organize these, and the responses of those around you to
these accommodations, and to you?
(10)
Describe your difficulties.
Define what for you is a learning difficulty?
(11)
How would you describe, or give a
metaphor for the difficulty? For example, ‘For me to learn for the
Matriculation is like………….’ Please complete the sentence.
(12)
Describe an experience of
learning difficulty. How did this position you vis á vis your peers?
Future
projection
(1)
Can you describe your results
versus your expectations? Have your results so far been in line with your
expectations?
(2)
What are your feelings about
this?
(3)
Describe an imagined projected
situation in the future – the day upon which you receive your results. What do
you anticipate would be your response, and that of your peers, and parents?
(4)
What are your feelings about your chances of success in the
matriculation examination?
(5)
What are the investments you will
need to make towards this?
(6)
What would your recommendations
be to a student like yourself with similar learning difficulties, who is at the
beginning of this process?
(7)
What are your plans for the
future? How would your learning disability influence your choice of a
profession/occupation?
(8)
What would your message be to the
school and the teachers?
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International Journal of
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Appendix 3. Flexible interview protocol for Interview 3;
conducted when students were in 12th grade and had completed their examinations
Meaning
of the experience in light of the future
Open-ended
question
(1)
A year has passed since we last
met on the eve of Passover. I am still interested in the experiences of a
student who is coping with the matriculation under the new (Israeli) special
education dispensations. Tell me what has been happening since we parted until
today.
Focused questions (to be adapted to the student narrative)
Description of the experience: positives and difficulties
(1)
Describe how you prepare for examinations?
(2)
What systems of support do you
use?
(3)
What does your order for the day
look like?
(4)
How would you describe the
comparison between 10th, 11th, and 12th grade in the way you coped emotionally
and cognitively?
(5)
How do you make use of the
accommodations, special dispensations?
(6)
What were the attitude of
teachers and friends to you and your use of the acco-mmodations?
(7)
What in your opinion is the level
of effectiveness of the organization of the acco-mmodations?
(8)
What has helped you?
(9)
Describe any changes which have
occurred, in attitudes of your friends, parents, teachers.
(10)
How do you see the roles of
educational counselor, psychologist, and examiner?
Self-perception
(1)
How do you perceive yourself in comparison to others?
(2)
What are your relationships like
with your peers?
(3)
What is your perception of your
learning difficulty?
(4)
What has been its influence on
your coping with your studies?
(5)
Are your expectations in line
with your achievements so far?
Plans, feelings,
and perceptions of the future
(1)
What are your feelings about the future?
(2)
What are your plans for the
future?
(3)
To what extent will the learning
difficulties and/or what you have learned in this expe-rience of entering the
Matriculation track, influence your future choice of profession?
(4)
Will you use accommodations
outside of the school framework for future studies?
(5)
In retrospect, what helped you
the most?
(6)
What message would you like to
give to the school?
(7)
What message would you like to
give to a child with learning disability at the begin-ning of her/his school
career?
(8)
Please complete the sentence:
‘For me, to pass the matriculation examinations is like:………………..’ (Metaphor
for coping).
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